“peter strzok is removed” – Google News: The ties that bind: Corsi, Montgomery and Bre Payton all Mueller accusers – Communities Digital News

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The ties that bind: Corsi, Montgomery and Bre Payton all Mueller accusers  Communities Digital News

Robert Mueller is on a vendetta to destroy President Trump and anyone that gets in his way. Is Jerome Corsi, Dennis Montgomery and Bre Payton his victims?

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“Peter Strzok” – Google News: The ties that bind: Corsi, Montgomery and Bre Payton all Mueller accusers – Communities Digital News

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The ties that bind: Corsi, Montgomery and Bre Payton all Mueller accusers  Communities Digital News

Robert Mueller is on a vendetta to destroy President Trump and anyone that gets in his way. Is Jerome Corsi, Dennis Montgomery and Bre Payton his victims?

“Peter Strzok” – Google News


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“house judiciary committee” – Google News: Pelosi doesn’t like new Dem lawmaker’s profanity – Knoe.com

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Pelosi doesn’t like new Dem lawmaker’s profanity  Knoe.com

WASHINGTON (AP/CBS) — House Speaker Nancy Pelosi says she doesn’t like the profane language used by one of her new members who predicted the …

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“Comey aides replacement” – Google News: 17 Staffers and Counting Have Left the Trump Administration – Study Breaks

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17 Staffers and Counting Have Left the Trump Administration  Study Breaks

With 2018 in the rear view mirror, let’s look back at the officials who have left the Trump administration over the past two years.

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“Christopher Wray” – Google News: 17 Staffers and Counting Have Left the Trump Administration – Study Breaks

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17 Staffers and Counting Have Left the Trump Administration  Study Breaks

With 2018 in the rear view mirror, let’s look back at the officials who have left the Trump administration over the past two years.

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17 Staffers and Counting Have Left the Trump Administration  Study Breaks

With 2018 in the rear view mirror, let’s look back at the officials who have left the Trump administration over the past two years.

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Crime and Criminology from Michael_Novakhov (8 sites): InSight Crime: GameChangers 2018: Political Shifts in Colombia, Mexico Cloud Outlook

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GameChangers 2018: Political Shifts in Colombia, Mexico Cloud Outlook 

Presidential elections in the two countries at the heart of Latin America’s drug trade both brought significant change in 2018: Colombians voted for a return to hard-line security policies, while Mexicans voted to take the “war” out of the “war on drugs.”  

But with both new administrations offering deeply flawed security plans and the United States now a foreign policy wildcard rather than a reliable security partner, these divergent political paths could coalesce into regional instability that may open more doors for organized crime. 

 Colombia’s U-Turn

Colombia was the first to go to the polls, electing Iván Duque from the hard-right Democratic Center (Centro Democrático) party in mid-June 2018. The new president inherits a precarious security situation, with record cocaine production coinciding with the violent evolution of an ever more volatile underworld. 

The scale of the challenge Duque is facing was reinforced just days after his victory with the publication of US estimates showing coca cultivation in Colombia rose 11 percent in 2017 compared to the previous year. Figures from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) published in September showed an even greater increase of 17 percent, with estimated cocaine production reaching a historic high of nearly 1,400 metric tons. 

In order to address the seemingly inexorable expansion of coca cultivation, Duque has proposed bringing back aerial fumigation of coca crops. Aerial spraying was a mainstay of anti-narcotics policy during the 2002 to 2010 presidency of Duque’s political patron, Álvaro Uribe, but the practice was suspended in 2015 over public health concerns.  

Duque has also pledged to make illicit crop substitution mandatory, not voluntary. But Colombian history has shown that large-scale forced drug crop eradication offers short-term gains at best. In the medium-term it leads to a dispersal rather than an end of coca plantations, while in the long-term it is unsustainable, as it does nothing to address the conditions that incentivize coca cultivation. 

In addition to the coca boom, Duque will have to contend with the deterioration of the country’s divisive 2016 peace agreement with the guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – FARC). As more ex-FARC combatants abandon the demobilization process and the former guerrilla leadership splinters, ex-FARC mafia groups have exploded across the country.

During his election campaign, Duque laid the blame for these crises on then-President Juan Manuel Santos, and pledged to tackle them with tough policies that owed much to former President Uribe, who set Colombia down the path of militarizing the fight against organized crime in the early 2000s. 

Security Hot Potatoes for Colombia President Iván Duque

Duque also campaigned hard on modifying the FARC accords, which Uribe and his Democratic Center party have bitterly opposed since peace talks began. However, this could prove hugely counter-productive. Undermining the deal with the FARC will likely exacerbate the already alarming rates at which former combatants are abandoning the peace process, in turn fueling the expansion of the ex-FARC mafia as many former fighters return to their criminal activities.

The FARC peace process is not the only one in Duque’s sights. He also announced that he would redefine the terms of the negotiation with the country’s last remaining rebel group, the National Liberation Army (Ejército de Liberación Nacional – ELN).  

The president’s uncompromising stance toward the ELN could backfire, pushing regional guerrilla factions to break away. At a time when the guerrillas are capitalizing on the departure of the FARC and the Venezuelan crisis to expand territorially and within the drug trade, a disrupted peace process could leave Colombia facing the prospect of an increasingly powerful and wealthy insurgency that feels the road to peace has been blocked off. 

Mexico at a Crossroads

Two weeks after Duque’s election, Mexico voted for perennial leftist presidential candidate and populist upstart Andrés Manuel López Obrador, better known by his initials, AMLO. The election results seemingly set Mexico down the opposite path to Colombia.  

AMLO inherited a security situation that represents one of the most damning failures of the still largely dominant war on drugs. For more than a decade, Mexico has dramatically expanded the military’s role in fighting crime. The grand capos of the Mexican underworld have been taken down and most of the powerful cartels that once dominated the drug trade are shadows of their former selves. But the drugs continue to flow and violence is reaching new highs, as new, more disperse and fragmented contenders have taken over the business of the old cartels. 

During the election campaign, AMLO proposed a range of crime-fighting policies that represent a stark break from those of the recent past. The incoming Mexican president’s security vision is far more progressive than that of Colombia’s Duque, but it is no less flawed. Serious doubts remain over whether AMLO can muster the resources and political will to actually implement his preferred policies.

These include pulling back the military from the fight against organized crime. He has also proposed pardoning low-level drug trade offenders, and is considering decriminalizing drugs as part of a move towards treating drug consumption as a public health issue rather than as a criminal one.

Since taking over as president, AMLO seems to have reversed his position on the military’s role in public safety operations. His proposed 2019 budget sharply increases military spending, foresees the creation of a new National Guard and slashes resources for local and state security. This places the army at the core of AMLO’s plans to fight organized crime, especially given that Mexican state and municipal police are generally ill-equipped (not to mention too corrupted) to take on violent criminal groups without support from the armed forces. Indeed, Mexico’s marines have carried out many of the most high-profile arrests in recent years.

Mexico President Andrés Manuel López Obrador's proposals

Other proposals, such as a shift toward decriminalizing drug consumption and giving amnesty to low-level drug offenders, will demand considerable political will and public support. And while AMLO is known as a populist, he has proven time and again that he has a pragmatic streak that could show itself, especially when it comes to a flashpoint issue like security. What’s more, his party is operating in a relatively fragile coalition that may not want to spend political capital on this perennial policy loser.

Questions also persist over AMLO’s commitment to another campaign platform: tackling corruption. He has begun a public spat with prosecutors and judges, seeking to cut their wages and budgets. The new president has also rejected calls for the next attorney general to be selected impartially, reportedly planning to hand pick the country’s next top prosecutor. Independent experts say such an appointment often results in an attorney general who lacks the independence to pursue corruption probes wherever they may lead, casting doubt on AMLO’s promises to clean up Mexico’s notoriously dirty political scene.

Opposite Directions, Same Roadblock

As Colombia brings back previously tried security policies to address its organized crime problems, Mexico seems poised to experiment with new approaches. But both will face the challenge of cooperating — or not — with the mercurial administration of US President Donald Trump.  

Colombia’s relationship with the United States was strained during the final years of the Santos presidency. Tensions peaked last year when Trump threatened to label Colombia as a state failing to live up to its international anti-narcotics obligations.  

So far, though, things are looking more positive for Duque. Shortly after his election, the president-elect visited Washington, holding meetings with senior White House officials to discuss security issues like the drug boom and the crisis in neighboring Venezuela. 

The US government under Trump seems inclined to support Duque’s security policies — at least rhetorically. But it will be much more difficult to convince Trump and his allies to lobby for the massive financial and logistical backing that will be needed to support key security initiatives. Trump has already voiced his discontent with Colombia’s ongoing cocaine boom, and the US president has advocated severe cuts in US aid to Colombia and other countries in Latin America. 

Unlike Duque’s agenda, many of AMLO’s progressive stances clash with Trump’s worldview. But that hasn’t stopped the incoming Mexican president from seeking out US support. In July, for example, AMLO published a letter he had sent to Trump calling for closer cooperation in key areas, including security.  

But these signs of sympathy between the two populist politicians might be superficial. Trump’s volatility and AMLO’s unflinching personality could make for a conflictive bilateral relationship —especially when it comes to security, which will likely be debated as intensely as other hot button issues like migration and trade. 

Managing relations with the US president will be a difficult, long-term task for both Duque and AMLO. But securing consistency in daily security and diplomatic exchanges from the Trump administration may prove harder, as Trump’s presidency has left foreign policy institutions adrift. 

The administration’s chaotic overhaul and willful neglect of the US State Department has caused a mass exodus of experienced personnel, leaving  the institution at the heart of US foreign policy rudderless. Such paralysis could severely undermine bilateral security cooperation. 

As Colombia seeks to contain the cocaine bonanza with flawed policies from the past, and Mexico opens a new chapter in its long-running conflicts with cartels, both countries will have to contend with an important but erratic partner that could derail even the best-laid plans. This dynamic is likely to fuel a lack of regional coordination that could prove to be a boon for organized crime.  

Photo Illustration/Credit: AP Images

The post GameChangers 2018: Political Shifts in Colombia, Mexico Cloud Outlook  appeared first on InSight Crime.

InSight Crime

Crime and Criminology from Michael_Novakhov (8 sites)


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“fbi surveillance” – Google News: FBI looking for tips to catch ‘Holiday Bandit’ suspected of robbing seven Salt Lake City-area banks – Salt Lake Tribune

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FBI looking for tips to catch ‘Holiday Bandit’ suspected of robbing seven Salt Lake City-area banks  Salt Lake Tribune

(Photo courtesy FBI) The FBI has released this bank surveillance photo of a man, dubbed “The Holiday Bandit,” suspected of committing seven bank robberies …

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Crime and Criminology from Michael_Novakhov (8 sites): “political crimes” – Google News: KHALID: 2019: year to end killings – The Star, Kenya

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KHALID: 2019: year to end killings  The Star, Kenya

Arguably, 2018 has been the worst year in as far as killings by police is concerned. Extrajudicial killings hit the airwaves in various parts of the country, …

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Crime and Criminology from Michael_Novakhov (8 sites)


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Democrats won’t wait for the Mueller report to investigate Trump, but impeachment remains a long shot  INSIDER

“We are not going to wait for the Mueller report,” Rep. Jerrold Nadler said. “There is plenty for the Judiciary Committee to look into right now.”

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Impeachment now? Trump spins Democrats’ talk as 2020 ploy  KSL.com

One day into their new House majority, several Democrats are trying to jump-start the impeachment action that many in the party have been talking about for two …

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Patrick Webb, FBI Expert on Terrorism, Helped Track Down Unabomber  Wall Street Journal

Patrick Webb helped track down the Unabomber and other domestic terrorists in a 34-year career at the FBI, and then landed a top security job at Lucasfilm.

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“mueller” – Google News: House Judiciary chair says Democrats are ‘not going to wait for the Mueller report’ to investigate Trump – CNN

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House Judiciary chair says Democrats are ‘not going to wait for the Mueller report’ to investigate Trump  CNN

Washington (CNN) House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler said Democrats are not going to wait for special counsel Robert Mueller to conclude his …

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House Judiciary chair says Democrats are ‘not going to wait for the Mueller report’ to investigate Trump  CNN

Washington (CNN) House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler said Democrats are not going to wait for special counsel Robert Mueller to conclude his …

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Iraq: 9 killed in Baghdad women’s shelter fire  Yahoo News

BAGHDAD (AP) — A fight that caused a fire at a women’s shelter in Baghdad on Friday killed nine people and wounded 22 others, police said.

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FBI Arrests Fugitive Wanted For Aggravated Assault  Atlanta, GA Patch

ATLANTA, GA – The FBI-led Atlanta Metro Major Offender (AMMO) task force arrested Jerrontae D. Cain, 38, of Atlanta who was wanted by the Atlanta Police …

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Retherford reflects on challenges, successes in 6 years at the Statehouse  Hamilton Journal News

Over his six years in Columbus, Retherford pushed for 2 dozen pieces of legislation, which about half eventually became law.

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An Ohio couple, who have celebrated mass shootings and wrote to Charleston church shooter Dylann Roof, were indicted in federal court on Thursday after an …

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Crime and Criminology from Michael_Novakhov (8 sites): InSight Crime: The Expendables: The Weakest Links in the Drug Trafficking Chain

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The Expendables: The Weakest Links in the Drug Trafficking Chain

Drug traffickers are recruiting women by the hundreds to transport drugs from Bolivia to feed Chile’s growing consumer market.

They tempt impoverished, debt-ridden women, who are often the sole providers for their families, with offers of up to $1,000 to become “tragonas” (swallowers) or drug mules. And the countries’ poor relations coupled with the high demand for drugs mean this problem will likely only continue to grow.

Elena was 20 years old and raising two children aged one and three when she agreed to work as a tragona. Her youngest was still breastfeeding at the start of her trip in January 2018.

She left her children with her brother, who was 17 and would have to care for their seven-year-old brother in addition to his niece and nephew. Their brother was the reason Elena took the job.

*This article was originally published by Connectas. It was translated, edited for clarity and reprinted with permission, but does not necessarily reflect the views of InSight Crime. See the original version in Spanish here.

“I agreed to take the capsules because of the money. I needed it to buy a valve for my brother, who had severe malnutrition and couldn’t feed normally because of a congenital brain malformation,” she said.

Like most women whom drug traffickers use as human couriers, Elena is a single mother from the central Bolivian city of Cochabamba. At the time, she was earning 600 bolivianos (approximately $87) a month cleaning houses part-time. The traffickers promised her $1,000 to make the trip, the equivalent of 3.3 minimum monthly salaries in Bolivia and more than 10 times her own salary.

“They offered [the job] to me on the bus. I ran into a man from my hometown. He offered it to me. He said, ‘I do that kind of work. If you want, I’ll get you a job,’ and he gave me a number. He was older, and I had known him since I was a girl. I don’t know [if recruiting women was his job], but I believe so. I thought about it for three weeks, but he would pressure me, call me, ask me if I would accept the job. ‘Will you take it?’ And in the end, I accepted it because I needed to. I needed to do it for my brother.”

***

After her husband left, Celia Casorla lost custody of her children, and her problems with alcohol started. She also lost the motorcycle she used for her work as a taxi driver in Cochabamba.

“I felt bad. Empty. I needed my children. They didn’t want to talk to me. They ignored my calls, and I got into drinking. I drank and drank and drank for a whole year. The next year … the debts piled up. It got to the point where I couldn’t pay my rent. I just drank.”

Celia heard that she could earn good money as a mule, so one day she decided to contact a trafficker. She went to Cochabamba’s slums, asking, “Do you know anyone who works with Doña Blanca?” Until she met a man who offered her her first “contract.”

The drug trafficker took Celia to the Bolivian town of Pisiga, on the border with Chile. They made her swallow the capsules there.

“I couldn’t do it. I swear. It made me vomit. I couldn’t swallow it. It hurts your throat. And what did I say [to myself]? Since I couldn’t give anything to my children and I spent my time drinking, I would do it for my children, if for nothing else then for my children. Every time I couldn’t do it, I had to remember that. You know how to drink alcohol? Well, take this. And I took it. I couldn’t take it all, though. I still had about a quarter of a kilogram left. I couldn’t do it, and I told the guy, ‘Even if you don’t pay me for all of it, even half will help me, but I’m not going to take any more [capsules]. I can’t. My body doesn’t want it. I do, but my body doesn’t. What do you want me to do?’ ‘Okay,’ he said, ‘Let’s go, then.’”

A kilogram of pure cocaine costs about $2,200 in Bolivia. The tragonas — who swallow capsules full of the drug — and mules — who smuggle it in their luggage or in strips attached to their bodies — are paid $1,500 to carry that kilogram from Bolivia to Santiago de Chile. There, it is sold at $15 per gram, a profit for the drug traffickers of $15,000 per kilogram. But that is if they are selling pure cocaine; most of the time it is mixed with other substances like plaster of Paris or talcum powder to make even more money.

Statements the women gave in court proceedings in Chile have revealed that mafia guards sometimes accompany the transporters on the bus. In other instances, the traffickers take a picture of them at the bus terminal when they board and give them an old cell phone. When the transporter arrives at her destination, someone is there to pick her up and take her to a safe house.

30-year-old C.P.H. served a one-year prison sentence in Chile before being expelled from the country. In an excerpt from her court statement, she says, “I went to Oruro [in Bolivia] to buy fabric. A woman approached me and offered me a job transporting drugs to Iquique [in Chile]. They would wait for me at the terminal and pay me $300. The woman took a picture to remember what I looked like. I had to deliver the package to the same person at the terminal in Iquique.”

“I met a woman named Margarita in the Iquique terminal who gave me $1,000 and ‘100 chileans’ to take four packages of drugs to Calama. She bought the tickets, was waiting for me at the Calama terminal and took my picture with her cell phone,” according to a statement from E.R.L., 38 years old and sentenced to five years and one day of prison.

***

Francisca Fernández is an anthropologist and expert with the Public Defender’s Office (Defensoría Penal Pública – DPP), which had her conduct a study on the profiles of the foreign indigenous women serving prison sentences in the north of the country. For months she visited prisons and interviewed incarcerated women, mostly from Bolivia. In Fernández’s opinion, gangs treat the women like disposable materials.

“Three women are sitting together on a bus wearing the same new, white, high-heeled shoes. Obviously, they’re going to be searched,” the anthropologist says.

She believes they were planted to divert the police officers’ attention while an even larger shipment was smuggled in.

Fernández found that in several cases the setup was handled so crudely it was as if someone wanted the transporters to be discovered. The DPP believes it is possible that gangs are using poor people to concentrate police efforts in one place while they smuggle larger amounts of drugs in another. It is also entertaining the possibility that criminal groups are using a strategy known as the “False 22,” which refers to an article in Chile’s anti-drug trafficking law that allows for compensated cooperation. Drug traffickers use the law to get their sentences reduced.

A false 22 is a person who was hired to carry drugs without knowing that an already imprisoned drug trafficker will report it to the authorities in exchange for benefits from the law. The DPP has documented numerous cases of false 22s, such as one involving a farmer from Oruro who could only speak Quechua fluently and who was loaded with drugs in a hostel in the Chilean port city of Antofagasta. He was imprisoned for nine months.

Another case is one of the few involving a repeat offender. A Quechua woman has been in a Chilean prison for four years now serving a drug trafficking sentence, and according to the documents on her case, she has an intellectual disability and cannot read. Authorities discovered her smuggling drugs for the second time in 2014, at the customs checkpoint in Chile’s El Loa province. She had been traveling by bus, and because her first arrest occurred at the same checkpoint an official recognized her. She had hidden the cocaine in an electric pizza oven.

It is impossible to prove whether such cases are intentional distractions or not. But one thing is certain: so many women are arrested and so many drugs are confiscated that, if traffickers are still willing to go the route of tragonas and mules to send drugs south, it is because they are profiting enormously from it despite the arrests.

At the regional public defender’s office in Tarapacá, where the number of Bolivians arrested for drug trafficking is highest, research head Gabriel Carrión argues that Chile’s criminal policy does not focus on the owners of the drugs but on the minor players, who are disposable and hold no real power.

“Prosecutors are practical about their choice: they go after the ones carrying the drugs. And if you ask them about the people who own the drugs, they say it’s not in their jurisdiction because an international investigation would have to be carried out.”

While both the Chilean and Bolivian police have stated that they exchange information collected from the arrests of tragonas and mules, the attorney general’s office in Tarapacá acknowledged that no binational investigations have been carried out.

Regional prosecutor Raúl Arancibia said, “To date in the region we haven’t had drug trafficking investigations in which we worked with the Bolivian Attorney General’s Office.”

The bad blood between Chile and Bolivia goes back centuries, but the wounds are still fresh. Bolivia lost its territory on the Pacific coast to Chile in 19th-century War of the Pacific, and despite sharing a border 850 kilometers long, the two countries have not maintained diplomatic relations for the past 40 years. In March 1978 they withdrew their ambassadors, and four years ago Bolivia filed a claim with the International Court of Justice in The Hague to force Chile to the negotiating table about restoring Bolivia’s access to the sea.

The two countries scheduled a meeting on September 5 to discuss border issues, including efforts to combat drug trafficking, but Chile suspended it two days prior, claiming the conditions for the talks had not been met. One month later, on October 1, The Hague ruled against Bolivia on the issue. Since then, the leaders of both countries have been taking jabs at each other via social networks and the media, and no one has mentioned a bilateral agenda.

***

Simply being a Bolivian passenger on a bus in Chile causes suspicion and therefore ups the chances that the police will search you.

María Avendaño was stuck in a Chilean jail for two and a half years before she was acquitted.

In 2007 she as arrested on a bus near the border while she was traveling with her adult son. She was accused of owning a suitcase carrying men’s overalls and 23 kilograms of cocaine.

When the police found the suitcase in a routine search, they asked the bus attendant who it belonged to. He told them it belonged to María. She denied it. They did not believe her, and she was arrested.

According to the DPP, this case is an example of poor police work and police officers allowing prejudice to influence them.

“They didn’t lift any fingerprints or DNA samples from the luggage to tie the suspect to it,” the office explained in a document titled “The Innocence Project” (Proyecto Inocentes), which recounts the stories of people who were erroneously jailed in Chile.

The police let María’s son, a doctor, go free. But he had to stay in Chile to be near his mother. He worked in a pharmacy for two and half years before her trial and aquittal.

***

According to figures from the Tarapacá public defender’s office, 58% of the 180 Bolivian women sentenced in 2017 were indigenous. Most were sent to the prison in the city of Alto Hospicio, 230 kilometers from the Bolivian border.

Alto Hospicio is one of Chile’s poorest cities, ranking at number 76 out of 90 on the Urban Quality of Life Index managed by the Catholic University of Chile. The city was founded a series of land grabs in the upper area of another city — Iquique — and the two are connected by a lone road that snakes through the Cordillera de la Costa, the country’s coastal mountain range.

Unlike Iquique, Alto Hospicio is not a tourist destination but an industrial city. Despite the rugged landscape, Bolivian women who arrive at the prison have some advantages compared to those sent to other prisons.

First, there are more incarcerated Bolivians here than any other nationality, including Chilean, which means less discrimination from fellow inmates.

“They create compatriot communities,” said Gabriel Carrión, a lawyer with the DPP.

Another advantage is that the office created a specialized indigenous defense unit in Tarapacá, which provides interpreters in certain cases when the women do not speak Spanish.

Carrión, himself a Bolivian, explained that his office had to hire a specialized defense attorney and an intercultural facilitator. Both actions have helped to give the women access to the information they need and reduce case processing times.

“The Bolivian women generally follow the rules. They’re low profile, so much so that sometimes the violations go unnoticed,” he said.

***

When the authorities detained Elena, they took her to a container in front of the emergency unit of the Iquique regional hospital. She spent two nights there, passing the capsules.

She must have been sitting on a bench the entire time because the container did not have any stretchers to lie on. The authorities only gave her water and soup, no solids, which prevents the capsules from getting too dirty.

“It’s not just unpleasant for the detainees to be there,” said one policeman, “You have to take the capsules out of the toilet with gloves and wash them off. It smells horrible inside, especially when it’s really hot.”

While in the container, Elena saw four other detainees come and go, three men and one woman. All of them were Bolivians.

After she passed the last capsule, the authorities told Elena that she had the right to notify the Bolivian consulate of her situation so her family in Bolivia could be notified. Like most Bolivian citizens who get arrested in Chile, she opted not to. She had no visits or phone calls with them during the months she spent in Chilean prison.

“I asked the consulate not to tell my family. They would want to come, and I knew they didn’t have the money for it. That money was for my children and brother.”

Eventually, Elena received news from a single family member.

“I got a letter from Bolivia. A woman delivered it to me. I had sent a letter to her daughter. Her daughter spoke with my sister, and my sister sent me a letter with some money. She’s my older sister. In the letter she said that my younger brother, the one with the health condition, had died. [I was in prison] when I found out that my children were with her and my other brother too. My brother [who was ill] was like a son to me. He died on July 2.”

*This article was originally published by Connectas. It was translated, edited for clarity and reprinted with permission, but does not necessarily reflect the views of InSight Crime. See the original version in Spanish here.

The post The Expendables: The Weakest Links in the Drug Trafficking Chain appeared first on InSight Crime.

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