1:33 PM 9/21/2018 – The “Abwehr Phobia Syndrome”

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The “Abwehr Phobia Syndrome”

9.21.18 – Flushing Queens (and Flashing Queens?)

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9/20/2018  – The “anti-Austrian diagnostic sign”. So far the

  • “Abwehr Phobia Syndrome” consists of
  • Judeo – ,
  • Homo – , and
  • Austria – (or “Hapsburg” –) Phobias, with the
  • “Hapsburg Group” – Manafort Affair as the latest version. All of these Phobias are historically related to the
  • origins of Abwehr as the Prussian (vs. Austrian) Military Intelligence Service, in my humble “hermeneutic” opinion.

M.N. 

9.21.18

8:10 AM 9/20/2018 – The "anti-Austrian diagnostic sign" of the New Abwehr is clearly traceable in Manafort-Hapsburg Group affair, and also, possibly, in Anthony Wienner's ("Viennese") "telling name". | Global Security News

8:10 AM 9/20/2018 – The “anti-Austrian diagnostic sign” of the New Abwehr is clearly traceable in Manafort-Hapsburg Group affair, and also, possibly, in Anthony Weiner’s (“Viennese”) “telling name”.
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A Timeline Showing the Full Scale of Russia’s Unprecedented Interference in the 2016 Election, and Its Aftermath
The Plot to Subvert an Election: Unraveling the Russia Story So Far
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Oil pares gain following report that major producers are weighing …

MarketWatch2 hours ago
Oil prices pulled back in Friday trade, giving up sharper gains seen … November West Texas crude CLX8, +1.01% on its first full day as a …

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US crude dips 32 cents, settling at $70.80, after Trump’s latest Twitter …

CNBC22 hours ago
Oil prices eased on Thursday, slowing an upward surge that had pushed the market toward four-year highs, after U.S. President Donald Trump …
Trump urges OPEC to drive down oil prices
Washington PostSep 20, 2018
Oil Prices Slip After Trump Slams OPEC On Twitter
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3 infants among 5 stabbed at Queens day care: police

WPIX 11 New York2 minutes ago
FLUSHINGQueens — Three infants, all one month or younger, were stabbed in a … as a day care on 161st Street between 45th and 43rd Avenues in Flushing.

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5 Stabbed, Including 3 Infants, at NYC Day Care: Police

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… girls no more than a month old, at an overnight facility in Queens early Friday, … another woman who worked there, were also stabbed at the Flushing center …

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3 infants among 5 people stabbed at daycare in NYC

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Three infants were among at least five people stabbed at a Queens daycare overnight, … Three infants stabbed at home day care on 161st in Flushing. A 52 year …

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3 Babies Stabbed At Queens Daycare Center, Police Say

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EAST FLUSHING, NY — A worker at an East Flushing daycare center stabbed five people, including three infants, and tried to kill herself early Friday morning, …
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In gay slangqueen is a term used to refer to a flamboyant or effeminate gay man. The term can either be pejorative or celebrated as a type of self-identification.

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5 slashed, including 3 infants, inside Queens in-home day care

WABC-TV3 hours ago
5 slashed, including 3 infants, inside Queens in-home day care … a day care operating out of a house in the Flushing section of Queens Friday …
5 people, including 3 infants, stabbed in Queens day care: police
Highly CitedWPIX 11 New York2 hours ago
In kindergarten in Queens there was a stabbing: several injured
InternationalThe Siver Times2 hours ago
Infants among 5 stabbed at New York City daycare
Highly CitedCBS News2 hours ago

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A Timeline Showing the Full Scale of Russia’s Unprecedented Interference in the 2016 Election, and Its Aftermath
Thu, 20 Sep 2018 12:12:01 -0400

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March 2016

March6 George Papadopoulos joins the campaign. He says he was told that a priority of the campaign was a better relationship with Russia.

March14 He meets with a London-based professor who claims to have ties to the Russian government.

March15 Russian hackers begin targeting computer networks of the Democratic National Committee, Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee and Clinton campaign.

March19 They send a phishing email to John D. Podesta, Hillary Clinton’s campaign chairman and proceed to steal the entire contents of his account — about 50,000 emails.

March21 Trump names members of his foreign policy team, including Papadopoulos and Carter Page.

March24 The professor introduces Papadopoulos to a Russian woman described as Putin’s niece (she was not) and they all discuss setting up a meeting between Trump and Putin.

March24 Papadopoulos emails campaign officials about his new Russian contacts.

March28 Paul Manafort, a veteran Republican strategist, is brought on to the campaign to lead the delegate-wrangling effort.

March31 He tells Trump, Sessions and others at a campaign meeting that he can arrange a meeting between Trump and Putin. »

April 2016

April1 Shortly after he joins the campaign, Page is invited to deliver a commencement address at a prestigious economic school in Moscow.

April6 A Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee employee opens a link to a fraudulent login page and enters password.

April6 Fake ad: “You know, a great number of black people support us saying that #HillaryClintonIsNotMyPresident.”

April6 Russian hackers send spearphishing emails to the accounts of others on the Clinton campaign.

April7 Fake ad: “I say no to Hillary Clinton / I say no to manipulation.”

April10 Papadopoulos reaches out to the Russian woman.

April11 Manafort emails Konstantin V. Kilimnik, a longtime Russian associate, to make sure Oleg V. Deripaska, a Russian oligarch close to Putin, knows that he is on the Trump campaign.

April11 Kilimnik confirms Deripaska is aware.

April11 Papadopoulos emails the Russian woman about setting up a trip to Russia. She responds that she is “excited about the possibility of a good relationship” with Trump.

April12 Russian hackers use stolen credentials to infiltrate the D.C.C.C.’s computer network and install malware.

April15 They search the network for “hillary,” “cruz,” and “trump” and copy a folder called “Benghazi Investigations.”

April18 The professor introduces Papadopoulos to Ivan Timofeev, a Russian claiming to connections to the Russian foreign ministry.

April18 Russian hackers break into the D.N.C.’s computers.

April18 Papadopoulos has multiple conversations with Timofeev about setting up a meeting between the campaign and the Russian government.

April19 Fake ad: “JOIN our #HillaryClintonForPrison2016.”

April19 Russian hackers create a fictitious online persona, DCLeaks, to release stolen documents.

April22 Timofeev thanks Papadopoulos “for an extensive talk” and proposes meeting in London or Moscow.

April25 Papadopoulos tells Stephen Miller, a top campaign adviser, that Putin wants to meet Trump.

April26 The professor tells Papadopoulos that the Russians have “dirt” on Clinton in the form of thousands of emails. »

This occurs about two months before the Russian hacking is publicly revealed and is the first of at least two times the Trump campaign is told Russia has “dirt” on Hillary Clinton.

April27 Trump briefly meets Sergey I. Kislyak, the Russian ambassador to the United States, at a reception before his first major foreign policy speech.

April27 Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law, also meets Kislyak before the speech.

April27 Papadopoulos emails Miller again.

April27 He also emails Corey Lewandowski, the campaign manager, “to discuss Russia’s interest in hosting Mr. Trump.”

May 2016

May1 Papadopoulos tells the Australian ambassador to Britain that Russia has dirt on Clinton. »

This revelation provoked the F.B.I. to open a counterintelligence investigation into the Trump campaign months before the presidential election.

May4 Timofeev says his colleagues from the ministry “are open for cooperation.”

May4 Papadopoulos forwards Timofeev’s email to Lewandowski.

May4 Manafort meets with Kilimnik.

May5 Papadopoulos forwards Timofeev’s email to Sam Clovis, another campaign aide.

May8 Timofeev proposes putting Papadopoulos in touch with another Russian official.

May10 Fake ad: “Donald wants to defeat terrorism … Hillary wants to sponsor it.”

May10 Rick Dearborn, a campaign aide, receives an email about arranging a back-channel meeting between Trump and Putin. The subject line of the email is “Kremlin Connection.” It is sent from a conservative operative who said Russia wanted to use the N.R.A.’s convention to make “first contact.”

May14 Papadopoulos tells Lewandowski that the Russians are interested in hosting Trump.

May16 Page floats the idea with the campaign of Trump going to Russia in his place “to raise the temperature a little bit.”

May16 Dearborn receives a second, similar, proposal, which he forwards to Kushner, Manafort and Gates, a business associate of Manafort’s. Kushner rebuffs the proposal.  »

Both efforts appear to involve Alexander Torshin, a key figure in Mr. Putin’s United Russia party who was instructed to make contact with the Trump campaign. Mr. Torshin met Donald Trump Jr. at a dinner during the National Rifle Association’s annual convention a few days later.

May19 Fake ad: “Vote Republican, vote Trump, and support the Second Amendment!”

May20 Trump Jr. meets briefly with Torshin and Maria Butina, a Russian later accused of being a covert agent, at an N.R.A.-sponsored dinner.

May21 Papadopoulos forwards email from Timofeev to Manafort, who forwards it to Gates with a note: “We need someone to communicate that DT is not doing these trips.”

May24 Fake ad: “Hillary Clinton Doesn’t Deserve the Black Vote.”

May25 Thousands of D.N.C. emails are stolen.

May26 Trump clinches the Republican nomination.

May27 At a rally the next day, he calls Putin “a strong leader.”

June 2016

June1 Papadopoulos tells Clovis that the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs asked if Trump is interested in visiting Russia.

June3 Aras Agalarov is told that the Russian government wants to give the Trump campaign damaging information about Clinton.

June3 His son, Emin, enlists Goldstone to reach out to Trump Jr. and arrange a meeting.

June3 Trump Jr. replies within minutes: “If it’s what you say I love it especially later in the summer.” »

This is the second time a campaign official was told of “dirt” on Mrs. Clinton.

June4 Russian trolls use a fake email account to publicize a June “March for Trump” rally in New York.

June5 They also reach out to the Trump campaign for rally signs.

June6 Clinton becomes the presumptive Democratic nominee.

June6 Goldstone follows up with Trump Jr. about when he can “talk with Emin by phone about this Hillary info.”

June6 Trump Jr. calls Emin.

June7 Trump Jr. calls Emin again. »

Phone records show Trump Jr. called a blocked number before and after calls to Emin.

June7 Goldstone tells Trump Jr. that Emin asked him to schedule a meeting “with you and the Russian government attorney who is flying over from Moscow for this Thursday.”

June7 Trump Jr. confirms the meeting and says Manafort and Kushner are likely to join him.

June7 Trump promises to deliver a major address detailing Clinton’s “corrupt dealings.” »

This statement comes three hours after Trump Jr. confirms the Trump Tower meeting. The speech never happens.

June7 Fake ad: “Trump is our only hope for a better future!”

June8 <a href=”http://DCLeaks.com” rel=”nofollow”>DCLeaks.com</a> goes live and posts thousands of stolen emails.

June8 Trump Jr. forwards the entire email chain with Goldstone to Kushner and Manafort. The subject line is “Russia – Clinton – private and confidential.”

June9 Trump Tower Russia meeting. »

The Russians nabbed a meeting at Trump Tower with top campaign officials, including the president’s eldest son, after promising damaging information about Clinton.

June10 Trump receives a birthday gift from the Agalarovs.

June14 The D.N.C. breach becomes public. »

June14 Russian hackers create the Guccifer 2.0 persona to help throw suspicion off Russia.

June14 Goldstone forwards a story about the D.N.C. hacking to Emin and a Russian who attended the meeting, describing the news as “eerily weird” given what they had discussed at Trump Tower.

June15 Guccifer 2.0 announces it is releasing “just a few docs from many thousands I extracted when hacking into DNC’s network.”

June16 Trolls use stolen Social Security numbers to open bank and PayPal accounts.

June17 Trump sends a thank you note to Agalarov for the birthday present.

June19 Page emails Lewandowski and Hope Hicks, Trump’s spokeswoman, about his upcoming Moscow trip. He also mentions it to Sessions during a dinner in Washington. »

June19

The Plot to Subvert an Election: Unraveling the Russia Story So Far
Thu, 20 Sep 2018 12:10:31 -0400

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On an October afternoon before the 2016 electiona huge banner was unfurled from the Manhattan Bridge in New York City: Vladimir V. Putin against a Russian-flag background, and the unlikely word “Peacemaker” below. It was a daredevil happy birthday to the Russian president, who was turning 64.

In November, shortly after Donald J. Trump eked out a victory that Moscow had worked to assist, an even bigger banner appeared, this time on the Arlington Memorial Bridge in Washington: the face of President Barack Obama and “Goodbye Murderer” in big red letters.

Police never identified who had hung the banners, but there were clues. The earliest promoters of the images on Twitter were American-sounding accounts, including @LeroyLovesUSA, later exposed as Russian fakes operated from St. Petersburg to influence American voters.

The Kremlin, it appeared, had reached onto United States soil in New York and Washington. The banners may well have been intended as visual victory laps for the most effective foreign interference in an American election in history.

For many Americans, the Trump-Russia story as it has been voluminously reported over the past two years is a confusing tangle of unfamiliar names and cyberjargon, further obscured by the shout-fest of partisan politics. What Robert S. Mueller III, the special counsel in charge of the investigation, may know or may yet discover is still uncertain. President Trump’s Twitter outbursts that it is all a “hoax” and a “witch hunt,” in the face of a mountain of evidence to the contrary, have taken a toll on public comprehension.

But to travel back to 2016 and trace the major plotlines of the Russian attack is to underscore what we now know with certainty: The Russians carried out a landmark intervention that will be examined for decades to come. Acting on the personal animus of Mr. Putin, public and private instruments of Russian power moved with daring and skill to harness the currents of American politics. Well-connected Russians worked aggressively to recruit or influence people inside the Trump campaign.

To many Americans, the intervention seemed to be a surprise attack, a stealth cyberage Pearl Harbor, carried out by an inexplicably sinister Russia. For Mr. Putin, however, it was long-overdue payback, a justified response to years of “provocations” from the United States.

And there is a plausible case that Mr. Putin succeeded in delivering the presidency to his admirer, Mr. Trump, though it cannot be proved or disproved. In an election with an extraordinarily close margin, the repeated disruption of the Clinton campaign by emails published on WikiLeaks and the anti-Clinton, pro-Trump messages shared with millions of voters by Russia could have made the difference, a possibility Mr. Trump flatly rejects.

As Mr. Trump emerged in spring 2016 as the improbable favorite for the Republican nomination, the Russian operation accelerated on three fronts — the hacking and leaking of Democratic documents; massive fraud on Facebook and Twitter; and outreach to Trump campaign associates.

Consider 10 days in March. On March 15 of that year, Mr. Trump won five primaries, closing in on his party’s nomination, and crowed that he had become “the biggest political story anywhere in the world.” That same day in Moscow, a veteran hacker named Ivan Yermakov, a Russian military intelligence officer working for a secret outfit called Unit 26165, began probing the computer network of the Democratic National Committee. In St. Petersburg, shift workers posted on Facebook and Twitter at a feverish pace, posing as Americans and following instructions to attack Mrs. Clinton.

On March 21 in Washington, Mr. Trump announced his foreign policy team, a group of fringe figures whose advocacy of warmer relations with Russia ran counter to Republican orthodoxy. Meanwhile, Unit 26165 was poring over the bounty from a separate attack it had just carried out: 50,000 emails stolen from the Clinton campaign’s chairman.

On March 24, one of the members of the Trump foreign policy team, George Papadopoulos, sat in the cafe of an upscale London hotel with a Russian woman who introduced herself as Mr. Putin’s niece and offered to help set up a meeting between the Russian president and Mr. Trump. The woman and the adviser exchanged frequent messages in the weeks that followed. Today, Mr. Padadopoulos is unsure that those messages came from the person he met in the cafe.

The Russian intervention was essentially a hijacking — of American companies like Facebook and Twitter; of American citizens’ feelings about immigration and race; of American journalists eager for scoops, however modest; of the naïve, or perhaps not so naïve, ambitions of Mr. Trump’s advisers. The Russian trolls, hackers and agents totaled barely 100, and their task was to steer millions of American voters. They knew it would take a village to sabotage an election.

Russians or suspected Russian agents — including oligarchs, diplomats, former military officers and shadowy intermediaries — had dozens of contacts during the campaign with Mr. Trump’s associates. They reached out through email, Facebook and Twitter. They sought introductions through trusted business connections of Mr. Trump’s, obscure academic institutions, veterans groups and the National Rifle Association.

They met Trump campaign aides in Moscow, London, New York and Louisville, Ky. One claimed the Russians had “dirt” on Hillary Clinton; another Russian, the Trump campaign was told, would deliver it. In May and June alone, the Trump campaign fielded at least four invitations to meet with Russian intermediaries or officials.

In nearly every case, the Trump aides and associates seemed enthusiastic about their exchanges with the Russians. Over months of such probing, it seems that no one alerted the Federal Bureau of Investigation to the foreign overtures.

Mr. Trump’s position on the Russian contacts has evolved over time: first, that there were none; then, that they did not amount to collusion; next, that in any case collusion was not a crime. That is mere semantics — conspiracy is the technical legal term for abetting the Russians in breaking American laws, such as those outlawing computer hacking and banning foreign assistance to a campaign.

Whether Mr. Trump or any of his associates conspired with the Russians is a central question of the investigation by Mr. Mueller, who has already charged 26 Russians and won convictions or guilty pleas from the former national security adviser, Michael T. Flynn; the former campaign chairman, Paul J. Manafort, and his deputy, Rick Gates; and from Mr. Papadopoulos. Mr. Trump’s personal lawyer, Michael D. Cohen, has pleaded guilty in a separate case.

But none of the convictions to date involve conspiracy. There remains an alternative explanation to the collusion theory: that the Trump aides, far from certain their candidate would win, were happy to meet the Russians because they thought it might lead to moneymaking deals after the election. “Black Caviar,” read the subject line of an email Mr. Manafort got in July 2016 from his associate in Kiev, Ukraine, hinting at the possibility of new largess from a Russian oligarch with whom they had done business.

Nina L. Khrushcheva, a professor of international affairs at the New School and the great-granddaughter of the Soviet premier Nikita S. Khrushchev, said that what Russia pulled off, through creativity and sheer luck, would have been the envy of Mr. Putin’s predecessors: puncturing the American sense of superiority and insisting on Russia’s power and place in the world.

“This operation was to show the Americans — that you bastards are just as screwed up as the rest of us,” Professor Khrushcheva said. “Putin fulfilled the dream of every Soviet leader — to stick it to the United States. I think this will be studied by the K.G.B.’s successors for a very long time.”

A Timeline of Parallel Threads

Direct contacts

with Russians by

Trump officials

JUNE 16, 2015

Trump announces

candidacy

Russian social

media fraud

Denials of

wrongdoing by

Trump and associates

MAY 26, 2016

Trump clinches

nomination

NOV. 8, 2016

Trump wins

election

Federal

investigation of

Russian meddling

JAN. 20, 2017

Inauguration

JUNE 2015

Trump

announces

candidacy

Direct contacts

with Russians

Russian

social media

fraud

MAY 2016

Trump clinches

nomination

Denials of

wrongdoing by

Trump and associates

By The New York Times

See the full timeline of events.

The Russian leader thought the United States, and Hillary Clinton, had sought to undermine his presidency.

The first Russian advance party was tiny: two women on a whirlwind American tour. Hitting nine states in three weeks in summer 2014, Anna Bogacheva and Aleksandra Krylova were supposed to “gather intelligence” to help them mimic Americans on Facebook and Twitter. They snapped photos and chatted up strangers from California to New York, on a sort of Russian “Thelma & Louise” road trip for the era of social media.

Even then, federal prosecutors would later say, the Russian government was thinking about the next United States presidential election — perhaps ahead of most Americans. Ms. Bogacheva and Ms. Krylova had been dispatched by their employer, an online propaganda factory in St. Petersburg, to prepare to influence American voters.

But why did Mr. Putin care about the election, then more than two years away? He was seething. The United States, in his view, had bullied and interfered with Russia for long enough. It was high time to fight back.

His motives were rooted in Russia’s ambivalence toward the West, captured in the history of St. Petersburg, Russia’s spectacular northern city and Mr. Putin’s hometown. Peter the Great, the brutal but westward-looking 18th-century czar, had brought in the best Italian architects to construct Russia’s “window on Europe” in a swamp.

Czar Peter’s portrait replaced Vladimir Lenin’s in Mr. Putin’s office when he took a job working for the city’s mayor in the early 1990s. Twenty-five years later, the internet offered a different kind of window on the West — a portal that could be used for a virtual invasion.

Mr. Putin, a former K.G.B. officer, had described the breakup of the Soviet Union as the “greatest geopolitical catastrophe” of the 20th century, a remarkable statement from a man whose country experienced revolution, civil war, bloody purges and the deaths of 27 million people in World War II. Like many of his fellow citizens, Mr. Putin was nostalgic for Russia’s lost superpower status. And he resented what he saw as American arrogance.

The Russian leader believed the United States had relentlessly sought to undermine Russian sovereignty and his own legitimacy. The United States had backed democratic, anti-Russian forces in the so-called color revolutions on Russia’s borders, in Georgia in 2003 and Ukraine in 2004. It had funded pro-democracy Russian activists through American organizations with millions in State Department grants each year.

With little evidence, Mr. Putin believed this American meddling helped produce street demonstrations in Moscow and other cities in 2011, with crowds complaining of a rigged parliamentary election and chanting, “Putin’s a thief!”

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And Mrs. Clinton, then secretary of state, cheered the protesters on. Russians, she said, “deserve the right to have their voices heard and their votes counted, and that means they deserve free, fair, transparent elections and leaders who are accountable to them.”

Mr. Putin blamed Mrs. Clinton for the turmoil, claiming that when she spoke out, his political enemies “heard the signal and with the support of the U.S. State Department began active work.”

The two tangled again the next year when Mr. Putin pushed for a “Eurasian Union” that would in effect compete with the European Union. Mrs. Clinton sharply dismissed the notion, calling it a scheme to “re-Sovietize the region” and saying the United States would try to block it.

By 2013, with his initial hopes for a “reset” of Russian relations dashed, Mr. Obama, like his top diplomat, no longer bothered to be diplomatic. He criticized Russia’s anti-gay legislation, part of Mr. Putin’s effort to become a global champion for conservative values, and gave a biting description of the Russian leader: “He’s got that kind of slouch, looking like the bored kid in the back of the classroom.” Mr. Putin was reported to be furious.

After Russian troops seized Crimea and carried out a stealth invasion of Ukraine in 2014, relations grew openly hostile. American support for the new government in Kiev and condemnation of Russian behavior heightened Mr. Putin’s rage at being told what he could do and not do in what he considered his own backyard.

If Russia had only a fraction of the United States’ military might and nothing like its economic power, it had honed its abilities in hacking and influence operations through attacks in Eastern Europe. And it could turn these weapons on America to even the score.

By making mischief in the 2016 election, Mr. Putin could wreak revenge on his enemy, Mrs. Clinton, the presumed Democratic nominee, damaging if not defeating her. He could highlight the polarized state of American democracy, making it a less appealing model for Russians and their neighbors. And he could send a message that Russia would not meekly submit to a domineering America.

Hence the two Russian women who toured the United States in 2014, keyboard warriors granted the unusual privilege of real-world travel, hitting both coasts, Illinois, Louisiana and Texas. At that point, according to a Russian document cited by the special counsel, Mr. Putin’s intentions for 2016 were already explicit: to “spread distrust toward the candidates and the political system in general.”

In the intervening two years, Mr. Putin’s ire at America only increased. He blamed the United States for pushing for a full investigation of illicit doping by Russian athletes, which would lead to mass suspensions of the country’s Olympic stars. And when the leaked Panama Papers were published in April 2016, revealing that a cellist who was Mr. Putin’s close friend had secret accounts that had handled $2 billion, he charged that it was a smear operation by the United States.

“Who is behind these provocations?” he asked. “We know that among them are employees of official American institutions.”

Then something unexpected happened. Of the more than 20 major-party candidates running for the American presidency, only Mr. Trump had repeatedly expressed admiration for Mr. Putin as a “strong” leader and brushed off criticism of Russia. Only he had little interest in the traditional American preoccupation with democracy and human rights. Only he had explored business interests in Russia for years, repeatedly pursuing a Trump Tower project in Moscow and bringing his beauty pageant there in 2013.

The Story Behind the Story

To help make sense of the Russia investigation, reporters looked for lessons from the coverage of another complex White House affair: Watergate. A Times Insider column tells the story.

“Do you think Putin will be going to The Miss Universe Pageant in November in Moscow,” the future candidate tweeted at the time, adding wistfully, “if so, will he become my new best friend?”

If Mr. Putin had been designing his ideal leader for the United States, he could hardly have done better than Donald Trump.

For some years, Mr. Trump had attracted attention from Russian conservatives with Kremlin ties. A Putin ally named Konstantin Rykov had begun promoting Mr. Trump as a future president in 2012 and created a Russian-language website three years later to support his candidacy. A Russian think tank, Katehon, had begun running analyses pushing Mr. Trump.

Mr. Trump as a candidate was “tough, rough, says what he thinks, rude, emotional and, apparently, candid,” wrote Alexander Dugin, an ultranationalist philosopher considered a major influence on Mr. Putin, in February 2016. Mr. Dugin declared that Mr. Trump probably had “no chance of winning” against the “quite annoying” Mrs. Clinton, but added a postscript: “We want to put trust in Donald Trump. Vote for Trump, and see what will happen.”

Against all expectations, Republicans across the country began to do just that, and soon Mr. Trump was beating the crowd of mainstream Republicans. Mr. Putin, said Yuval Weber, a Russia scholar, “found for the first time since the collapse of the U.S.S.R. that he has a prospective president of the United States who fundamentally views international issues from the Russian point of view.”

Asked about the surging Mr. Trump in December 2015, Mr. Putin said he

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